Sen. Roland Gutierrez, D-Senate District 19, filed Senate Bill 297 on Nov. 9, proposing a one-time $1,500 payment to each qualified Texas household. The Texas Tribune reported that the bill is meant to carry out a campaign pledge by Gov.-elect Gina Hinojosa of a one-time payment as cost-of-living relief. Texas Legislature Online records it as filed by Gutierrez, with no committee referral yet.

The introduced text defines a household as one or more people occupying a dwelling unit as their usual place of residence, related or not, including a person who lives alone. A qualified household would need a usual place of residence in Texas on Jan. 1, 2027, and be represented by a person at least 18 on that date, or an emancipated minor. Each qualified household would receive one $1,500 payment, with no increase for additional members.

The comptroller of public accounts would administer the program and could use information lawfully available to that office or another state agency to identify eligible households, but could not deny a payment solely because a household is missing from an existing government database. Residents could also apply, proving usual residence with a lease, utility record, school record, government correspondence, a sworn declaration, “or other reasonably reliable evidence.” Applications would have to be accepted by mail and in person, as well as electronically. Payments could go out by electronic funds transfer, check, or another secure method the recipient chooses. The comptroller would make reasonable efforts to pay verified households by Dec. 31, 2027; applications could be filed through Dec. 31, 2028.

The bill would apply statewide, with no different rules by county or region and no county-by-county household count. The comptroller would have to adopt rules for people experiencing homelessness, residents of group quarters, and other households without a conventional street address. Eligibility could not be based on income, homeownership, property-tax liability, employment, public benefits, or whether members filed a tax return. The introduced text does not mention U.S. citizenship as a condition, the Tribune noted.

The bill would appropriate $17 billion from the Economic Stabilization Fund, the state’s rainy day fund, for the payments and administration. The comptroller’s Annual Cash Report for fiscal 2026 put the fund at $27.5 billion as of Aug. 31, 2026. Spending from the fund would require a two-thirds vote of the members present in each house, under Section 49-g(m), Article III, of the Texas Constitution. The Tribune reported that, in the Republican-majority Senate, that would take at least nine Republican votes. No more than 1 percent of the appropriation could go to administrative costs. The Tribune reported that would leave a shortfall of at least $400 million if the plan reached 11.6 million households. If funds proved insufficient, the comptroller would have to report the shortfall to the governor, lieutenant governor, House speaker, and Legislative Budget Board, and could not spend more than appropriated.

Section 51, Article III, of the Texas Constitution says the Legislature has no power to grant public money to individuals, provided the section is not construed “so as to prevent the grant of aid in cases of public calamity.” The bill declares a statewide household affordability emergency — which it ties to sustained cost increases for housing, electricity, food, transportation, insurance, and other necessities — to be a public calamity under that section. The Tribune reported that it is unclear whether that declaration would hold up legally.

John Diamond, senior director of the Center for Public Finance at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, told the Tribune the checks could add to inflation by increasing demand and prices. He called $17 billion “not a massive amount” relative to the state’s roughly $2.9 trillion economy, “but it’s still enough to create some pricing pressures.” In an August interview cited by the Tribune, Gov.-elect Hinojosa said economists who reviewed the plan believe a state-level payment is too small to have the same effect as federal stimulus checks.

What happens next

SB 297 is not law. The 90th Legislature convenes Jan. 12, 2027, and the bill awaits a committee referral. If it received a two-thirds vote of all members elected to each house, it would take effect immediately; otherwise it would take effect Sept. 1, 2027. The comptroller would then have 30 days to adopt emergency rules and open an application method.

Sources

• SB 297 history, Texas Legislature Online

• SB 297 introduced text, Texas Legislature Online

• Sen. Roland Gutierrez, D-Senate District 19, Texas Senate

• Texas Constitution, Article III, Section 51

• State of Texas Annual Cash Report, Fiscal 2026, Texas Comptroller of Public Accounts

• Joshua Fechter, Bill filed to give every Texas household $1,500, a Gov.-elect Gina Hinojosa campaign promise, Texas Tribune via KSAT, updated Nov. 11, 2026, at 4:00 a.m. Central

• Dates of Interest, Texas Legislative Council (90th Regular Session convenes Jan. 12, 2027)

Why these seats are up in 2028

Texas state senators serve staggered four-year terms. Fifteen senators were elected in November 2024 to terms that run through the 89th and 90th Legislatures. The Secretary of State’s certified list of those senators was read into the Texas Senate Journal on Jan. 14, 2025. Those seats are next on the ballot in 2028: Districts 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 20, 23, 25, 27, 29 and 30. Republicans hold eight of them: Districts 7, 8, 10, 12, 17, 25, 27 and 30. Democrats hold the other seven.

Under Section 41.002 of the Texas Election Code, the general election for state and county officers is held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November of even-numbered years. In 2028, that date is Nov. 7. Under Section 41.007, party primaries are held on the first Tuesday in March, which falls on March 7, 2028. No candidate fields have been set.

The current count

Scherer’s post puts the Republican majority at 19-12. Unofficial results posted by the Texas Secretary of State point to the same split for the incoming Senate. The statewide canvass is not finished, and other outlets have reported different counts during election week. The Texan, for example, reported 20-11. Sixteen votes make a majority in the 31-member chamber. By Scherer’s count, Democrats would need to flip four seats in 2028 to reach 16.

Two Democratic-held seats will get new senators before then. Based on unofficial results, Sen. Sarah Eckhardt of District 14 won the race for comptroller, and Sen. Nathan Johnson of District 16 won the race for attorney general. KXAN reported that state law requires expedited special elections to fill both seats, and that the winners will serve out the current terms, which end in January 2029. As of Nov. 10, no date had been announced for either special election. Both seats are among the seven Democratic-held seats on the 2028 ballot.

How rural are these eight districts?

The Texas Legislative Council publishes official reports on the current Senate district map, known as Plan S2168. Those reports list the counties in each district and how many residents of each county live in it, based on the 2020 Census. In this article, a county is called rural if it is classified as nonmetropolitan under the federal Office of Management and Budget’s July 2023 metropolitan area delineations. The U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Economic Research Service uses the same standard to separate rural from urban counties. The standard applies to whole counties, so a county classified as metropolitan can still include large rural stretches. That is especially true of smaller counties tied to a nearby city by commuting patterns.

By that measure, most of the population in all eight districts lives in metropolitan counties. In four districts, about 8% to 12% of residents live in rural counties. In two, about 1% do. Two districts include no rural counties at all.

District 7, Sen. Paul Bettencourt (R), covers parts of Harris and Montgomery counties in the Houston area. It has no rural counties.

District 8, Sen. Angela Paxton (R), covers most of Collin County, plus all of Hunt and Rains counties. Rains County is rural under the federal standard and has about 12,200 residents, about 1% of the district.

District 10, Sen. Phil King (R), covers part of Tarrant and Parker counties, all of Johnson County, and all of Brown, Callahan, Palo Pinto, Shackelford and Stephens counties to the west. Brown, Palo Pinto, Shackelford and Stephens are rural. Together they account for about 79,000 residents, about 8% of the district. Callahan County is classified as part of the Abilene metropolitan area. Most of the district’s population lives in Tarrant County.

District 12, Sen. Tan Parker (R), covers parts of Dallas, Denton and Tarrant counties and all of Wise County. All four are classified as part of the Dallas-Fort Worth metropolitan area. It has no rural counties.

District 17, Sen. Joan Huffman (R), covers parts of Harris, Fort Bend, Brazoria and Waller counties, and all of Colorado, Jackson, Matagorda and Wharton counties along the coast and the Colorado River. Those four counties are rural and are home to about 113,000 residents, about 12% of the district. That is the largest rural share among the eight.

District 25, Sen. Donna Campbell (R), covers parts of Bexar, Travis, Hays and Guadalupe counties, and all of Comal, Kendall and Blanco counties. Blanco County is rural, with about 11,400 residents, about 1% of the district.

District 27, Sen. Adam Hinojosa (R), covers all of Cameron County, part of Hidalgo and Nueces counties, and all of Bee, Kenedy, Kleberg, San Patricio and Willacy counties. Bee, Kenedy, Kleberg and Willacy are rural, with about 83,000 residents combined, about 9% of the district.

District 30, Sen. Brent Hagenbuch (R), covers parts of Denton, Collin, Parker and Wichita counties, and all of Archer, Clay, Cooke, Grayson, Jack, Montague and Young counties along and near the Red River. Cooke, Jack, Montague and Young are rural, with about 88,000 residents, about 9% of the district. Archer and Clay counties are classified as part of the Wichita Falls metropolitan area.

How the eight districts voted in 2026

According to The Texas Elections Observatory data shared by Scherer, Democrat James Talarico received more votes than Republican Ken Paxton in five of the eight districts in the U.S. Senate race. In the governor’s race, Democrat Gina Hinojosa received more votes than Republican Gov. Greg Abbott in two. All figures below come from that chart. A negative margin means the Republican candidate trailed in that district. The figures are districtwide. The chart does not separate rural counties from the rest of each district.

District 7: Talarico 51.8%, Paxton 46.4% (Republican margin -5.4). Hinojosa 49.6%, Abbott 48.9% (-0.7).

District 8: Talarico 51.2%, Paxton 46.8% (-4.4). Abbott 50.3%, Hinojosa 48.0% (+2.3).

District 10: Talarico 49.9%, Paxton 48.0% (-2.0). Abbott 50.2%, Hinojosa 48.2% (+2.1).

District 12: Talarico 49.5%, Paxton 48.6% (-0.9). Abbott 52.5%, Hinojosa 46.1% (+6.4).

District 17: Paxton 49.2%, Talarico 48.9% (+0.3). Abbott 52.4%, Hinojosa 46.2% (+6.2).

District 25: Paxton 50.8%, Talarico 47.3% (+3.5). Abbott 53.9%, Hinojosa 44.6% (+9.3).

District 27: Talarico 63.7%, Paxton 34.5% (-29.3). Hinojosa 61.9%, Abbott 36.9% (-25.1).

District 30: Paxton 51.4%, Talarico 46.5% (+4.9). Abbott 54.7%, Hinojosa 43.7% (+10.9).

The chart’s margins come from rounded percentages, so a few differ by a tenth of a point from simple subtraction.

What the numbers do and do not show

These figures measure how voters in each district split in two statewide races in 2026. They are not results for state Senate races, which none of these districts held this year. Voters often split their tickets. Down-ballot races also depend on the candidates, campaign spending, turnout, and conditions that can change a lot over two years. A district that favored one party’s nominee for U.S. Senate or governor in 2026 may not vote the same way for state senator in 2028.

Several of these senators won their 2024 races by wider margins than this year’s statewide results in their districts. According to official 2024 general election results from the Texas Secretary of State, Sen. Bettencourt was re-elected with 63.4% of the vote in District 7. Sen. Angela Paxton won 59.4% in District 8, and Sen. King won 61.7% in District 10. In District 27, Sen. Adam Hinojosa won with 49.4% of the vote, defeating then-Sen. Morgan LaMantia, a Democrat, who received 48.3%. A Green Party candidate received 2.3%.

The Bluebonnet Express will follow the special elections in Districts 14 and 16 and the 2028 Senate races as they develop.

Filed on Monday, HB 184 would bar the Public Utility Commission from approving any 765-kV line until the commission first completes a study. The text names the Permian Basin Reliability Plan, PUC Project 55718, as one of the approvals covered.

The study would have to look at how extra-high-voltage lines perform under different dispatch scenarios, including different times of day, times of year and weather conditions. It would estimate what the lines would cost ratepayers, with particular emphasis on residential customers. It would also examine what could cause cost overruns and how to reduce them, along with supply chain and workforce limits that could delay construction.

The PUC would then have to send its results to an independent third party for review. The bill rules out any reviewer that conducted a similar study of extra-high-voltage lines for ERCOT or another market participant after Jan. 1, 2020. The study requirement would expire Sept. 1, 2029.

HB 1005 deals with people who live next to the lines. Under the text, the PUC would require a utility that builds, leases, owns or operates extra-high-voltage lines to exempt or reimburse, twice a year, all of the transmission and distribution charges on the electric bill of a residential customer whose property is next to a line and from whom land was acquired for that line, “via eminent domain or otherwise.” That would apply even when a different utility provides electric service to the home.

The benefit would last until the property changes from the residential or agricultural use it had before the line was built to a commercial or industrial use, or until Sept. 1, 2076, whichever comes first. The text says the landowner can assign or transfer the benefit to a buyer in a contract for the sale of the property.

Both bills would take effect immediately if two-thirds of the members of each chamber vote for them. Otherwise they would take effect Sept. 1, 2027.

The bills come as the PUC works through applications for the lines. The Texas Tribune reported in September that the commission approved the Howard-Solstice line, which runs about 370 miles across 14 counties, including Uvalde, Kerr, Bexar and Medina. The Tribune reported that the commission directed the companies to work with landowners on route changes.

Landowner groups including the Hill Country Preservation Coalition and American Stewards of Liberty oppose the lines, the Tribune reported, citing damage to property and concerns about the approval process. Industry and oil and gas groups say the lines are needed for growth and for the reliability of the grid, according to the Tribune.

Texas Scorecard reported Nov. 5 that the PUC extended the time it has to consider motions for rehearing on Howard-Solstice to the maximum allowed by law.

In August, the San Saba News & Star reported that Slawson, Sen. Kevin Sparks and Rep. Brad Buckley urged the PUC to deny all five 765-kV applications. In an Aug. 11 letter filed with the commission, Slawson asked it to deny the Dinosaur-Longshore segment and the four related segments. She wrote that lawmakers had not held hearings, debate or votes “on any proposal of the scope and magnitude of the 765kV lines now before you.”

Neither bill has become law. Both were filed Nov. 9, 2026. The Legislature convenes Jan. 12, 2027, and bill filing runs through March 12, 2027. Filing a bill does not guarantee a hearing or a vote.

HB 362 by Rep. John Bucy (D-Austin) is titled the Texas Regulation of Cannabis Act. HB 369 by Rep. Joe Moody (D-El Paso) was filed with the same official caption, covering cultivation, manufacture, sale, testing, transportation, possession, use, local regulation, licensing, and a tax.

Under Bucy’s bill, adults 21 and older could use, possess, and transport up to 2 ounces of cannabis. No more than 15 grams of that could be concentrate. They could also give that same amount to another adult, as long as no money changed hands and it wasn’t advertised.

The bill would also allow adults to grow up to 12 plants at a private residence, in a locked, enclosed area that couldn’t be seen from a public place. Homegrown cannabis over 2 ounces would have to be locked up. Adults could also keep up to 10 ounces of cannabis that wasn’t grown on the premises, with anything over 2 ounces stored the same way.

Retail sales would be licensed. The Texas Department of Licensing and Regulation would license growers, retail shops, secure transporters, and testing labs.

The tax would be 20 percent on sales from a shop to a customer, plus 15 percent on sales from a grower to a shop. That would be on top of the regular state sales tax. Of the new tax money, 10 percent would go to cities and counties that have shops, to help cover oversight costs. Fifteen percent would go to addiction prevention and treatment. Twenty-five percent would go to the fund for veterans’ assistance. The rest would go to the Permanent School Fund.

Cities and counties could set store hours, locations, business rules, and how many licenses they allow. They could not ban licensed cannabis businesses or unreasonably restrict them.

A lot would still be illegal. Using cannabis in a car on a public road would stay off limits. So would using it in most public places, unless a city or county designated an area for people 21 and older. It would still be illegal at schools, on school buses, and in child-care facilities. Driving while intoxicated would still be a crime. Home extraction with butane would be barred.

None of this is law yet. Recreational marijuana is still illegal in Texas, aside from the state’s limited low-THC medical program. These bills were just filed. They cannot even be sent to a committee until the Legislature convenes on January 12, 2027. If one passed and was signed, Bucy’s bill would take effect September 1, 2027. Rules would be due by July 1, 2028, and licensing would have to begin by November 1, 2028. Lawmakers can keep filing bills through March 12.

Rural hospitals and healthcare:

Several Democrats filed bills to expand Medicaid. Those include HB 101 and HB 102 by Rep. John Bucy of Austin, SB 31 by Sen. Judith Zaffirini of Laredo, HB 855 by Rep. Rafael Anchía of Dallas, HB 138 by Rep. Ana-María Rodríguez Ramos of Richardson, HB 141 by Rep. Suleman Lalani of Sugar Land, HB 363 by Rep. Donna Howard of Austin, and SB 109 by Sen. José Menéndez of San Antonio. The bills would cover low-income working-age adults that federal matching money already pays for. HJR 21 by Bucy and SJR 6 by Zaffirini would put that requirement in the state constitution, which voters would have to approve. HB 113 by Lalani is a “Texas solution” that would use a federal waiver or block grant and private insurance plans. HB 725 by Jimenez would create a “Live Well Texas” Medicaid expansion program. Rural hospitals carry a lot of unpaid care for people without insurance. Republicans have called expansion wasteful. HB 714 by Rep. Drew Darby of San Angelo would create a rural mental health office. HB 717 by Rep. Brooks Landgraf of Odessa would change which counties qualify for rural ambulance grants. HB 846 by Rep. Brian Harrison of Midlothian would set “site-neutral” Medicaid pay for hospital-owned outpatient clinics, which many rural hospitals run.

Farm & Ranch:

HB 252, filed by Rep. Money of Greenville, whose district includes Hopkins County, is a right-to-repair bill. It would require farm equipment makers to give owners and independent shops the parts, tools, and software needed to fix their own machines. HB 114 and HJR 29 by Rep. Ryan Guillen would keep the farm-product tax break for livestock and add timber. HB 266 by Rep. Tom Oliverson would ban treated sewage sludge on farmland. HB 390 by Rep. Carrie Isaac would set humane-slaughter rules. HB 452 by Rep. Mary González would have Texas A&M AgriLife study agricultural tax valuation for beekeeping land. HB 480 by Mary González would create grants for county fairs and rodeos. HB 804 by Darby would change who can receive surplus farm products. HB 462 by Rep. Armando Martinez would let counties pay for preventive veterinary services. SB 96 by Zaffirini would fund university research on regenerative farming, including soil health and drought resilience.

Property taxes:

HB 457 and HJR 35 by Rep. Carl Tepper of Lubbock would cut the yearly cap on homestead appraisal increases from 10 percent to 2.5 percent and add an 8 percent cap for other land, including farms and ranches. HB 144 and HJR 23 by Money, and HB 731 and HJR 58 by Harrison, would abolish property taxes and study what would replace the money cities, counties, and school districts lose. HB 863 by Landgraf would require appraisal districts to rely on an appraisal the owner submits from a licensed appraiser.

Schools:

HB 713 by Landgraf would change extra funding for very small, remote districts. HB 376 by Bucy, HB 685 by Rep. Cody Vasut, and HB 723 by Landgraf would fund schools based on average enrollment instead of daily attendance, which helps districts with long bus routes. HB 201 by Rep. Eddie Morales would let some small districts shrink their school boards from seven members to five. HB 432 by Lalani would set rules for closing or merging a campus. Several bills would repeal last year’s voucher program: HB 164 by Bucy, HB 646 by Mary González, SB 106 by Menéndez, HB 675 by Herbert, and HB 735 by Jimenez. Supporters of that program cite parent choice. Critics say it pulls money from public schools, and many rural towns have few private schools nearby. HB 324 by Mary González and HB 580 by Rep. Erin Gámez would tighten which private schools can take voucher money. HB 178 by Howard would raise base per-student funding from $6,160 to $7,500. HB 853 by Anchía and HB 868 by Landgraf would adjust that base funding for inflation. SB 98 by Menéndez is a broader school finance bill.

Broadband:

HB 869 by Landgraf would expand broadband in certain rural counties. HB 442 by Rep. Terry Wilson would require companies that get state broadband grant money to share their ground-imaging data.

Oil, gas, energy, and the Railroad Commission:

HB 220 by Eddie Morales would let the Railroad Commission fine propane retailers that do not post a required bond. HB 262 by Eddie Morales would require bonds at commercial oil and gas waste disposal sites. HB 793 by Rep. Erin Zwiener would let the Railroad Commission require water-pollution prevention plans for some pipelines. HB 691 and HJR 46 by Landgraf would create a “Texas STRONG” fund from oil and gas taxes for areas hit hardest by drilling. HJR 48 by Landgraf would create a constitutional right to explore for, produce, and export oil, gas, and minerals. HB 514 by Rep. Josey Garcia covers wind energy leases and a surface owner’s right to wind power. HB 336 by Rep. Jessica González would require sellers of homes or lots to disclose nearby oil, gas, or mineral leases and equipment. HB 184 by Rep. Shelby Slawson would study extra-high-voltage power lines, which can affect rural landowners along the route. HB 871 and HJR 59 by Landgraf would create a property tax break for generators that make electricity for on-site use.

Data centers and large power users:

Bills to end sales tax breaks for data centers include HB 167 by Rep. Trey Martinez Fischer, HB 408 by Isaac, HB 681 by Vasut, HB 750 by Jimenez, and HB 851 by Rep. Vincent Perez. SB 36 by Zaffirini and HB 732 by Perez would bar data centers from state and local incentive deals. SB 34 by Zaffirini would give counties power to regulate where large electricity users get built. HB 547 by Rep. Salman Bhojani would require county noise studies and site approval. HB 587 by Money would let counties regulate certain industrial and nuisance facilities. HB 682 by Vasut would let cities and counties bar some industrial sites near homes. SB 33 by Zaffirini would make data centers pay their own power hookup costs, including at electric co-ops, so regular customers do not pick up the tab. SB 35 by Zaffirini would have ERCOT share large-power-user data with the state for water planning. HB 529 by Bhojani would require data centers to report water use. HB 374 by Mary González, HB 696 by Ochoa, and HB 734 by Perez would limit secrecy agreements and require local data center deals to be made public.

Water and flooding:

SB 58 by Zaffirini would exempt certain small flood-control dams from state permits. SB 59 by Zaffirini would require septic inspectors to report abandoned water wells. SB 72 by Zaffirini would add Parks and Wildlife to the state’s Groundwater Protection Committee. SB 85 by Zaffirini would help older subdivisions connect to public water and sewer. HB 240 by Rep. Armando Walle would limit rate cases when a utility buys a water or sewer system, which matters when private companies buy small rural systems. HB 364 by Mary González would raise penalties for not returning state water-use surveys. HB 194 by Martinez would study groundwater in the Rio Grande Valley.

Roads, counties, and volunteer fire departments:

HB 468 by Rep. Terri Leo Wilson covers oversize and overweight truck routes. HB 883 by Rep. Ben Wharton would let some county commissioners courts name a weight enforcement officer. HB 354 and HB 425 by Rep. Janis Holt cover funding and reporting for volunteer fire departments. HB 801 by Rep. Ron Reynolds would set building codes in unincorporated county areas. HB 614 and HJR 39 by Rep. Tom Craddick would split certain state transfers among the rainy-day fund, the highway fund, and a “Grow Texas” fund.

Hunting and wildlife:

HB 350 by Rep. Joanne Shofner would set rules for hunting dog field trials on private land. HB 486 by Leo Wilson would let people keep certain wildlife killed in vehicle collisions for food. HB 335 by Rep. Lulu Flores would have the state plan wildlife crossings to improve driver safety.

Immigration, sheriffs, and border land:

HB 123 by Martinez Fischer and SB 99 by Menéndez would repeal the 2025 law requiring certain sheriffs to partner with ICE. Supporters of the current law cite public safety. HB 424 by Rep. Claudia Ordaz would bar enforcement under those agreements in places such as schools, clinics, churches, and polling places. HB 111 by Eddie Morales and HB 293 by Bucy would bar border walls on state park land.

Filing stays open through March 12.